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Despite the steady march of farm migrants to the cities, by two out of three Japanese still lived in village communities of under ten thousand people or less. In the population of Tokyo had reached 3. Nagoya's , grew to ,, and Yokohama lurched from , to , Excluding these six cities, only two cities had a population of more than , in Hiroshima and Nagasaki; by Nagasaki had a population of ,, Hiroshima ,, Hakodate ,, Kure ,, Kanazawa ,, Sendai ,, Otaru ,, and Sapporo, Yawata, and Kagoshima , each, totaling ten.

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Among cities numbering more than 50, people in , six had already reached the , level by Sendai, Otaru, Hakodate, Kanazawa, Kagoshima, and Kure , while others following in suit were Sakai, Niigata, Toyama, Wakayama, Okayama, Fukushima, Fukuoka, and Kumamoto. This narrative was followed down the scale of smaller cities with populations under 30, These figures impressed contemporary urbanologists like Sawada Ken, who in published the essay "Toshi to Hangyaku," which signaled the formation of a discourse on cities aimed at liberating them and their development from the state.

But in this essay, Sawada was already prepared to show how the current of history had plainly reflected the intense concentration of population in the cities which, for him, represented an incontestable sign of advancement. What seemed to attract him was the observation that Japan's urbanization compared favorably with that of the world's industrial societies.

The United States possessed three cities with populations exceeding one million people--New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia--but Japan was evenly matched in this sector. Sawada dismissed a prevailing observation that contended that Japan's modern cities were "inferior" in population size and that, as a result, "Japan should not be judged according to European standards. Because the density is different, despite the similarity of population size, there is a different look among them. Although he complained about the nature of Japan's cities, he provided forceful evidence and argumentation to demonstrate that Japan's cities, by , compared favorably with the demographics of other, world-class cities.

The same comparative argument could have been made concerning the ratio of rural to urban populations excepting the United States and possibly England and the relative similarities in gross national output. What the meteoric growth of cities symbolized was the construction of a modern labor force in Japan and its concomitant recruitment of women into the labor market and the relative decline of the agricultural sector, farm labor, and attempts to reinforce rural solidarity and link communities more closely to the state.

Even though the Japanese population remained more agrarian than urban through the s, the division between city and countryside was vastly overdetermined in the cultural realm, where the metropolis produced an image of itself as universal while farm life was made to appear as a backwater, languishing in a different temporality. There were, for our purposes, two factors that stamped the character of the accelerated growth of Japan's cities: massive migration and the formation of a women's labor force. The demographic development was supplemented by an accounting of people who had actually left their place of household registration koseki.

What these figures show is the effect of mass migration from the countryside to the cities and the consequences it held for the family system as it had been defined by the Meiji Civil Code.


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Qualitatively, urbanization in the s undermined the political and social solidarity of the family. Yanagita Kunio early observed, in his Meiji Taishoshi, sesohen , that the incessant flow of people into the cities produced an estranged life. But the effect of too much importance on one's home village was that the cities were filled with residents that were not attached to anything, anywhere. The story " Dzaka no satsujin jiken " Murder in D Hill showed both the centrality of the streets and the loneliness of recent arrivals to the great city.

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The opening of the story has the protagonist meditating on his new, unfamiliar surroundings:. With nothing to do and no friends, the protagonist of this story, like many others, is cast afloat in the urban flow of strangers who simply wander the streets with no explicit purpose. In this story, it is interesting to note that Rampo has his protagonist suddenly spot somebody he knew from a former life. If writers like Yanagita and Rampo reported the qualitative effects of the mass migration into the cities and the former's Meiji Taishoshi, sesohen and more analytic Toshi to Noson [] are filled with such observations , its quantitative dimensions were analyzed by a variety of social researchers, like Kagawa Toyohiko and Ando Masayoshi in their Nihon dotoku tokei yoran Statistical survey Japanese morality, and Toda Teizo, who in published his analysis of the first national census, taken in With Kagawa, a social gospel Christian, and Ando, we have a mix of statistics and moral judgments: the marshaling of figures and data showing the large number of farm women who had migrated to the cities in the preceding decade to service their pleasure zones, and stinging moral condemnation of the government for having encouraged the unregulated expansion of prostitution and the destruction of traditional rural life.

Toda's work was less moralistic but nevertheless pointed to the social consequences of the immense numbers of people who had left their place of registration. Even by , the status of population distribution had already captured the attention of the state as a problem that needed to be understood.


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Within a total population of nearly 56 million, approximately 10 percent lived apart from their families in But if seen in the light of the working population of approximately 27 million, the figure for those who had left their families was even larger. What seemed difficult for Toda to gauge was the observation that the figure for large cities like Tokyo and Osaka was probably larger than the national ratio.

Assuming that if two out of every three Japanese still lived in the countryside in , most of these people would have been registered in koseki. If one-third of the population was living in the cities, say 18 million people, and if 10 percent of the national population were now outside of their registered households, then it was possible to assume that most of these people were probably residing in the cities.

This would mean that the majority of the 5,, the 10 percent were occupants of the cities, approximately a third of the urban population. According to Toda, even a tenth of the total population was considerable, and one could only guess at the pace of subsequent migrations and departures from places of registration. In a population of a thousand, people lived outside their family life.

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In Tokyo, , city folk, or 27 percent, were separated from their ancestral households. As for ages, the majority were in their late teens and early twenties. Still another measure of this phenomenon was the average size of ordinary households that excluded separated members: 4. In provinces like Aomori and Iwate, Toda found that 60 percent of households had at least five members. For cities like Tokyo and Osaka, this figure was lower, and households rarely exceeded three members. Hence, the trend, even by , was toward smaller households with fewer personnel, as attested by the media blitz promoting new forms of consumption and new commodities for the nuclear family of the "culture houses" bunka jutaku.

What emerged from Toda's analysis was the beginning of the dismantling process of large households and the progressive installation of the nuclear family in Japan's large cities. By the same measure, his analysis pointed to greater possibilities for isolation and alienation, what Rampo described as a "thinning out" of social relationships. What sustained growth after the postwar boom were poor farming families who supplied a seemingly inexhaustible reservoir of cheap labor to feed industry's desiring machine. The migration of second and third sons and daughters, as already suggested, contracted the size of households in the countryside and led to the formation of smaller units in the cities.

If this pattern of migration legitimated the patriarchal system by limiting inheritance, the new life in the cities, for both men and women, constantly flew in the face of these constraints and practices to create ceaseless social strain and lived contradictions. In this respect, women entered the workforce in large numbers in the postwar years.

Until factory hands were predominately women, whereas workers in the nonmanufacturing sector were largely male. Yet, if the figures of Kagawa and Ando are to be believed, tens of thousands of young women streamed into the "pleasure zones" to staff their large entertainment quarters, cafes, coffee shops, bars, dance halls, and theaters, and to service the sex trade. The Marxist critic Hirabayashi Hatsunosuke was close to the truth when, in the mid s, he pointed to the progressive "feminization of culture.

The total number of yearly revelers was approximately 22 million, and the yearly average of clients for a prostitute was about in This figure referred to licensed or registered prostitutes but did not include the vast army of unlicensed and informal sex workers who worked in cafes, bars, and restaurants, which would have made the numbers higher, especially in the larger cities where most of this activity was concentrated. To add weight to this assumption, Kagawa and Ando pointed out that the existence of "special restaurants" tokushu inshokuten increased exponentially after the middle s and replicated the pattern of growth in cafe bars and coffee shops that recruited large numbers of women from both countryside and the city, including "children of the fallen middle class," the group Aono Suekichi was to eulogize.

Women accounted for almost 35 percent of Japan's total employment in all industries. Between and , more than half of all factory workers were women, even though the ratio was reversed in the succeeding decade with the establishment of newer industries that demanded higher-skilled workers.

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Koji Taira has argued significantly, and persuasively, that Japan's economic modernization, which meant the implementation of the factory system after the war, was "manned by women. Factories, representing the newer, modern sector of the economy, were promoted as the sign of capitalist progress, and this privilege linked factory employment to the gendered composition of the work-force. But, as Taira reminds us, women workers did not enjoy any special advantages by participating in the industrialization process, apart from winning some economic independence and social autonomy.

Like they were for the scores of women and girls that poured into the service sectors, low wages were apparently the price for independence. These women suffered from long working days, without rest and holidays, depressed wages, and a wide variety of health hazards. Kagawa and Ando pointed to the relationship between the social evils of prostitution and health risks among sex workers, which paralleled a comparable experience among female factory workers.

Despite the implementation of legislation from on, designed to improve the working conditions of women and children, progress came slowly, and the major problems of depressed wages and unhealthy conditions continued to plague women factory workers. By the middle s, when Japanese industrialism was beginning to move to a new stage of development characterized by the establishment of firms requiring higher technical proficiency from workers, the demand for skilled male labor increased as the wage differential between men and women widened.

According to Taira, new employment practices were instituted that prefigured a "Japanese Employment System" and the effort to stabilize the relationship between capital and labor, management and workers in a historical conjuncture marked by incessant labor disputes, strikes, and mobilization in both the cities and the countryside.

But this numerical preponderance of women in the modernization process and the life they lived in the cities--financially independent, socially autonomous, and politically active--overdetermined in discourse the figure of the modan garu modern girl , and the exaggerated threat to the settled conceptions of patriarchically dominated relationships authorized by law as well as the effort of mass media to reassert the integrity and stability of the household unit by enforcing the traditional role ascribed to wife and mother however modernized they were materially.

These "modern girls" became the heroes of this new, feminized culture announced by Hirabayashi. The new modern life was figured first in discourse, as fantasy, before it was ubiquitously lived as experience, and its major elements were independent women, commodities, and mass consumption. What this fantasizing discourse inadvertently inspired was not only the fear of progressive social disorder and conflict but also the growing sense that the processes guaranteeing cultural reproduction not to forget biological reproduction were in danger of disappearing altogether.

If the formation of mass culture produced overdetermination as the historical sign of the crisis of social indeterminacy, the modern girl was its contemporary trope. The expanding metropolitan sites like Tokyo and Osaka supplied a vast space for discourse to imagine and figure a new form of life, a place for fantasizing what had not yet become a lived reality for all.


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  6. Yet even as a fantasy of "modern life," it was able to dramatize the production of desire inspired by a new life promising new commodities for consumption, new social relationships, identities, and experience. What the metropolis produced first, then, was a social discourse of everyday modern life, often called bunka seikatsu cultural living by contemporaries, that constantly announced itself in mass media like popular magazines, newspapers, advertisements, radio, and movies, pointing to the ceaseless changes in material life introduced by new consumer products and a conception of life vastly different from the rhythms of received, routine practices.

    Discourse continuously pointed to the succession of events and looked to the future, as the making of constant eventfulness became the principal commodity of newspapers and popular magazines, not to forget radio, and the progressive fragmentation and destabilization of cultural forms. Yet this reflexive discourse, formulated in the immediate postwar period and linked to the prospect of international peace and peacetime industrial production and consumption provoked by the appearance of new forms of everyday life, was more important than the actual ubiquity of the new modern life itself.

    It pointed to an evolving historical situation--something that was occurring in social practice and would continue to do so--and often prefigured and preceded the widespread establishment of commodity culture in Japan and its regime of new subjectivities and social relationships. In other words, more than reflecting a historical reality already in place in the s, it figured a fantasy life that demanded to be fulfilled.

    Others, as we shall see, saw the shape of even worse things to come in the commodified inscriptions of the new life as they fled to the safety of traditional cultural shelter. It was the dread of mass culture and consumption in the s not to mention the specter of mass politics and its threat to unhinge older, fixed social relationships and subjectivities that led to the formation of a secondary discourse on the social aimed at representing the essence of society and performing a virtual poeticizing or aestheticizing of every-dayness in order to negate the divisions, fragmentation, and conflict that had instituted society in Japan.